Nabad-galyada isbadal doonka ee Itoobiya waxay horseedi kartaa dagaal(.Article kan waxaa qoray Washington Examine)

Raiisel wasaaraha Itoobiya Ahmed Abiy ayaa meel sare gaadhay. Bishii Oktoobar 2019, gudiga Nobel ee Noorweey waxay ku abaal mariyeen Bilada Nabada ee Nobel “dadaalkiisa go aanka ah ee xalinta khilaafka xuduudeedka uu la leeyahay wadanka deriska ah ee Ereteriya.” Guddigu waxay kaloo soo xigteen howsha Abiy si ballaadhan – oo gacan ka geysatey soo celinta xiriirkii Jabuuti iyo Ereteriya, dhexdhexaadinta muranka badda ee u dhexeeya Kenya iyo Soomaaliya, iyo in la fududeeyo kala guurka nabadeed ee Suudaan. . Ururada iswiidhishka waxay ku guuleystaan ​​abaalmarinta Nobel ee suugaanta, dhaqaalaha, iyo cilmiga sayniska ee ku saleysan shaqada nolosha. Laanta Nobel ee Noorweey, ayaa dhanka kale, waxay ku abaalmarineysaa abaalmarinta nabadda ee ku saleysan rabitaanka iyo rajada. Tani waxay dhalisay abaalmarinno dhowr ah shakhsiyaadka iyo ururrada shaqooyinkooda aan ku noolaan rabitaanka guddiga Nobel. Run ahaantii, ma hubo in heshiiska Abiy uu la galay Ereteriya uu sii socon doono, ama in Itoobiya lafteedu sii xasilloonaan doonto oo ay midoobi doonto. qaanuunka muhiimka ah ee nabada: arimaha waqtiga. Mararka qaarkood, dib-u-heshiisiin deg deg ah, iyadoo aan loo eegin ujeedooyinka wanaagsan ee ka dambeeya, waxay u horseedi karaan masiibo.

Consider, for example, the tragedy of U.S.-Iran relations. It was not the Islamic Revolution that paralyzed relations between the United States and Iran. The U.S. Embassy continued to function in the heart of Tehran for more than nine months after revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s return. Rather, it was the hostage crisis. Few remember the spark that led to the seizure of the U.S. Embassy. On Nov. 1, 1979, Carter administration national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski visited Algiers for a multilateral event during the course of which he met and shook hands with Mehdi Bazargan, telling the Iranian prime minister that the U.S. was open to resolving bilateral problems and bettering ties. Khomeini and revolutionaries in his circle were infuriated by the photo of the two officials meeting that made its way into Iranian newspapers and ordered the embassy attack as a way of derailing any rapprochement. Simply put, had Brzezinski not rushed diplomacy and been so public with his ambitions, there might not have been a hostage crisis, with all the second-order effects that followed.

Back to the Horn of Africa. It has now been almost 30 years since Somalia descended into state failure. Dictator Siad Barre fled the country, but he did not go quietly. Rather, he sought to wage genocide against the Isaaq clan, which predominates in Somaliland, the northern state of Somalia, which was for 76 years a British protectorate. In 1991, Somaliland reasserted its independence and had existed as an independent (albeit unrecognized) country ever since. Its social compact and democratic government largely shielded it from the chaos that afflicted the rest of Somalia. It never experienced the piracy in which neighboring Puntland participated. And while al Shabaab regularly stages attacks in the heart of Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu, it has been 12 years since there was a similar attack in Somaliland.
Warmoogida nabadaynta Ethiopia waxa suurta gal ah inay horseedo dagaal.

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